The Militarization of Mexico
The
Militarization of Mexico
By: Erreh
Svaia
Caprine Dispersion
Twenty-six
years ago the then president of Peru, Alberto Fujimori, an independent
candidate who had defeated the traditional candidates during the elections,
taking advantage of the popular boredom towards the political system; Closed
the Congress in an authoritarian manner and the judiciary intervened in what
was called a "self-coup", from that moment on, and paradoxically
under the approval of the citizens who then saw with good eyes the violent
actions of Fujimori , Peru descended in a dictatorship tragically and ironically,
that began applauded by the majorities, and in the end very lamented by the
cases of authoritarianism, repression and corruption that were revealed within
the government of Fujimori, the good intentions, as it usually happens, in the
end they left a bloody and violent route before a traumatized town that was not
able to admit at the time the serious error and the destiny of its government.
In 2006,
after some very disputed elections (that if Andrés López had applied only a
little of the electoral pragmatism of 2018, he would surely have won), Felipe
Calderón was declared a winner by a very narrow margin, as a measure of
"legitimacy", before the little differential in votes that took place
in the elections, a frontal war was announced against organized crime, then
revealed as an evil that had penetrated most of the police organizations in the
country, the so called “war” implied the
entrance of the army into the streets and into civic life, for the then
opposition (led by Andrés López), this implied a "self-coup process"
similar to that of Fujimori, and that "put us on the edge of closing of
the Congress ", for the manipulative opposition and the militant press, a
military dictatorship with Calderón at the front, was imminent, the reality is
that Calderón lacked the political ability to achieve consensus on many issues
such as the required reforms left pending by his predecessor Vicente Fox,
lacked the intelligence to effectively carry out his frontal attack on crime in
which preference was given to brute force instead of intelligence strategy and
tactics, and the result was its political isolation, even with its own
political party the PAN, a fierce media war that took to the extreme the
perception of what was happening and the defeat of the PAN despite the strong
macroeconomic numbers in a time when even the US entered into a severe economic
crisis.
Later,
during the government of Peña Nieto, the so-called "Internal Security
Law" was proclaimed, decreed in order to regulate the role of the army in
the streets as security elements, the campaign promise of a better security
management to the interior but was not fulfilled and Peña Nieto's PRI basically
followed Calderón's strategy in a less dynamic way, but equally ineffectively,
once again an leftish manipulative opposition (with López in front again)
"tore its clothes" and denounced the supposed militarization of the
country, the beginning of what they said, a new dictatorship of the PRI
"that saw the country and power was getting out of their hands"
nothing more distant from reality, given that the law sought primarily to
basically regulate the exercise of the military in security duties, a void that
had been left since the previous administration.
To the
surprise of many, today elected president Andrés López, whose campaign promises
included taking the army out of the streets, sensitively caring for the victims
of violence and a policy of "hugs and not bullets," makes it clear
that the campaign promises have been just that, promises, and that the security
plan to be exercised as of December 1 follows the "strategic" line of
Calderón and Peña Nieto using the army as the executor of the security plan,
taking the militarization role of its predecessors, as it completely and
unrestrictedly cedes the role of security to the army, drastically reduces the
role of the police, and removes the need for criminal investigation and prosecution
and preventive intervention, including the growing military personnel and the
creation of a so-called National Guard, if the then opposition emotionally
denounced the militarization of the country, Where their moral stature now that
they are taking firm steps in that
direction? Now that they are in power, militarization has become morally
correct? Has that been the case all the time, if they do it is wrong and if we
do it is right?
Is Andrés
López now looking to "legitimize" his government after a false start
and the enormous weariness that it has suffered after the illegal consultation
and the lack of coordination in the blocs dominated mostly by Lopez's party?
The truth is that López's strategy does not stand out from the paradigm left by
his predecessors, he continues to put the army in the center and exacerbates
the paranoia of the previous governments with the plan to further expand the
military corps, for López, who denounced opposition often the role of the army,
the tactic is revealed as a possible error, in addition to a notable
"betrayal" towards human rights organizations that supported him to
denounce the role of the army as a repressive organ in previous
administrations, López is preparing no doubt for the moment when his political
capital is still eroded to alarming levels, we will have to wait and see if the
time will reach him before he can consolidate his military command, and if what
follows after him does not turn out worse than the nightmare that the militant
press that supported him, transmitted to us during two sexenios.
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